The General overseer of The Latter Rain Assembly now Dominion Hall, Citadel Global Community Church, Babatunde Gholahan Bakare popularly known as Pastor Tunde Bakare in a long speech on Sunday 4th April recounts how he and others joined force to help President Mohammedu Buhari (PMB) becomes the Nigerian President in 2011.
He also stated that he supported the course because God showed him a vision that PMB will reunite Nigeria and make it home all Nigerians home and abroad will be proud of.
Pastor Bakare who was the former running mate of PMB in 2011 admits restructuring Nigeria might be the solution to Nigeria insecurity challenge among others. Speaking on restructuring he said “Restructuring does not mean the dismemberment of the Nigerian state. It is not an attack on Nigerian unity. It does not mean disadvantaging any section of the country.
Restructuring means empowering the NW, the NC, the NE, the SW, the SS and the SE, so that every part of our country will be safe and prosperous. Show me one person who does not want this for our country, and I will show you an enemy of Nigeria.”
Read the full speech below.
Fellow Nigerians at home and abroad, good morning and a very happy Easter to you all. Our theme for today’s State of the Nation Broadcast is “The Conspicuous Handwriting on the Wall,” inspired by the account in Daniel 5 verses 1-6 and 13-29.
As you may recall, on January 15, 2011, I was invited by the then General Muhammadu Buhari to run with him on the platform of Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) in the 2011 presidential election.
After initial hesitation, my eventual acceptance was upon the assurance that, amongst other deliverables, our administration would commit to re-engineering Nigeria’s governmental structure with a view to guaranteeing the security & prosperity of our nation & her people.
After a vigorous campaign, GMB gave a deeply emotional public statement at a press conference on April 13, 2011 – “I am in this solely for the love of my country and concern for its destiny and the fate of its people.”
At some point while delivering his speech, GMB broke down in tears as he wept for our nation. Deeply moved, several of us who were with him in the hall also wept. GMB then made a solemn statement: “I will not present myself again for election into the office of the president.”
After the controversial and divisive 2011 elections, as Nigeria drifted along sectional undercurrents and the nation sought a unifying force, some of us prevailed on General Muhammadu Buhari not to quit the stage but to take back his words and form a coalition of the best of the North and the best of the South to salvage our nation. I must admit that I played a critical role in that mission. God had shown me in a vision that GMB still had a role to play in stabilising Nigeria.
I, therefore, facilitated a meeting in the United Kingdom between him and some of our CPC leaders with a view to forming a coalition between CPC and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) that could save Nigeria from impending disaster.
Subsequently, it was my privilege to move the historic motion at Eagle Square, Abuja on February 6, 2013 for the merger of CPC, ACN and ANPP. That step, together with the efforts of other progressive Nigerians, led to the eventual formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
However, in 2015, as our nation prepared for general elections, the interplay of social, economic, political and military headwinds came crashing on our national foundations and exposed the fault lines in our nationhood as the two major political parties, APC and PDP, and their candidates locked horns, our nation was deeply divided along ethnic, partisan, religious and sociocultural lines.
Furthermore, oil prices plummeted across the globe, an economic recession loomed, and severe hardships lay in wait for the Nigerian people.
As drum beats of war reverberated across the landscape with threats to national stability coming from various political interest groups, BH terrorists held sway over vast swathes of territory, and 276 girls were abducted and held in captivity.
In the midst of that chaotic climate, the 2015 general election was the preoccupation of the political class. Many stakeholders were convinced that a change of government was what Nigeria needed at that time and the “Change” mantra was chanted across the nation.
However, I warned that our myriad challenges, including violent sectional agitations, terrorism, socio-economic deprivation, and political violence were merely symptoms of more fundamental problems.
I identified some of these foundational problems to include our faulty and lopsided governmental structure, unresolved historical grievances, unreconciled historical difference fierce disagreements around identity and population dynamics with a census in view, gaps in the structure of our economy, and the many aberrations in our constitution.
I warned that a mere change of government without the definite resolution of these foundational questions of nationhood would amount to putting the cart before the horse and could lead the nation to a catastrophe.
I then advocated pausing the elections within the confines of the Constitution so as to resolve these issues and stabilise our nation before proceeding to the polls.
However, when the nation disregarded wise counsel & insisted on building on faulty foundations, I stepped into the terrain as a nation builder. I worked behind the scenes with the two leading candidates to ensure that our nation was not swept away by the floods of disintegration.
Upon the commencement of the administration of PMB, on various platforms, from the pulpit to the podium, from State of the Nation addresses such as this, to lectures at various fora, I pointed out to Nigeria the way out of the dire situation we are in as a nation.
Furthermore, I engaged the government on several occasions, including direct engagements with the president, because of my desire to see PMB actualise the dreams of a great Nigeria we had committed to.
As I told the president in some of those engagements, his success is my success, and his failure is my failure. It is why I remain committed to seeing him succeed.
I have laid a historical background as an introduction to this address because it is time to speak out. I am compelled to speak out because this is not the Nigeria General Muhammadu Buhari and I had dreams to create when he invited me to be his running mate in 2011.
I am compelled to speak out because the state of the nation does not represent the Buhari I knew when we took that solemn journey towards rebuilding Nigeria.
I am compelled to cry out because of the intent of the president as contained in his tribute dated October 14, 2019 in honour of my 65th birthday PMB wrote to me: “We have shared ideas on how to engender a better country and formed a tag team for political power. May the ideas germinate fully, proliferate and give us the country of our dreams.”
I am compelled to speak out at this point because, given the state of the nation, the legacy of President Muhammadu Buhari is in grave danger of being confined to an unsavoury side of history. I am indeed compelled to speak out because Nigeria is in a state of emergency.
For many years, Nigeria was in the intensive care unit of the universe. However, six years ago, against timely warnings not to overlook fundamental and underlying conditions as the country prepared for the 2015 elections, her “caregivers” certified her fit and discharged her.
Underlying conditions have resurfaced and our nation is now in a critical state. Her survival is hanging in the balance and she has been rushed to the emergency room. The diagnosis indicates that a surgical procedure is unavoidable.
The purpose of this address is to present the facts of this diagnosis and point a way out of our current crisis even as we approach a critical juncture in the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.
Fellow Nigerians, before I present this diagnosis, I would like to state that this evaluation has become all the more necessary as the year 2021 ushers in the second half of the second term of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.
I am reminded of the prayer of Moses when he saw the calamities that befell his people as he led them through the wilderness towards the Promised Land. he prayed: “So teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom.”
This assessment is, therefore, imperative because it aims to bring to the consciousness of the present occupants of the seat of power the transient nature of political power, so that they may become circumspect and commit to redeeming the time they have left in office.
My aim in highlighting these issues is to ensure that the government of President Muhammadu Buhari does not fall victim to what is historically described, especially in American politics, as the “Second-Term Curse.”
Political analysts describe the second-term curse as “the perceived tendency of second terms of U.S. presidents to be less successful than their first terms.”
According to the literature, historical evidence shows that “the second terms of U.S. presidents have usually been plagued by a major scandal, policy inertia, some sort of catastrophe, or other problems.”
Although some analysts question the notion of a second-term curse, the historical facts speak for themselves. History suggests that the so-called curse is due to overconfidence and loss of focus by leaders during their second terms in office.
Per The Wall Street Journal: “The re-elected president overestimates his mandate. He ignores opposition & pursues goals that prove to be beyond reach. Freed of the need to seek re-election, isolated by the perquisites of office, he plunges ahead — only to fall off a cliff.
In support of this position, The New York Times argues that: Overwhelming victory can often lead to second-term hubris, persuading a president that the country thinks he can do no wrong.
It may interest you to know that the second-term curse phenomenon has proved historically relevant in the Nigerian context.
The 1st Republic was toppled during what was more or less Balewa’s 2nd term, following allegations of corruption, patronage politics, overbearing reach of the centre, draconian incursion by the central govt into regional governance, & the resulting political instability.
In like manner, the Second Republic ended abruptly during the second term of President Shehu Shagari.
Addressing the nation as the Shagari administration was overthrown, his successor, the then General Muhammadu Buhari, made the following statement as military head of state “It is true that there is a worldwide economic recession. However, in the case of Nigeria, its impact was aggravated by mismanagement. We believe the appropriate government agencies have good advice but the leadership disregarded their advice.” “The legislators were preoccupied with determining their salary scales, fringe benefit and unnecessary foreign travels, et al, which took no account of the state of the economy and the welfare of the people they represented.”
“We have come to depend largely on internal and external borrowing to execute government projects with attendant domestic pressure and soaring external debts, thus aggravating the propensity of the outgoing civilian administration to mismanage our financial resources.”
These excerpts of the December 31, 1983 speech by the then General Muhammadu Buhari told the unfortunate story of how the administration of President Shehu Shagari had succumbed to the so-called second-term curse.
Some would even argue that, in an ironic turn of events, the reflections of General Muhammadu Buhari on the Shagari administration succinctly describe Nigeria’s current realities under the civilian administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.
No admin in Nigeria’s recent history has fallen victim to the jinx of the 2nd term as that of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Re-elected in 2003, he began his second term as civilian president on a high note by appointing some of Nigeria’s most competent technocrats into his cabinet
Bolstered by high oil prices and an unprecedented growth rate, the economic team of President Obj developed & drove one of the most promising reform experiences in Nig’s governance history under the umbrella of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS).
The efforts of the Obj admin led to a historic debt relief package for Nigeria as well as the institutionalisation of budgetary due process.
The Obasanjo administration also midwifed the growth of the liberalised teleco sector, the devt of a framework for power sector reforms, the launch of a set of education reform policies, the institution of EFCC, etc.
To provide a stable political framework for this socioeconomic momentum, the Obasanjo administration proceeded to convene the National Political Reform Conference in 2005.
As these reforms began to energise the polity and Nigerians began to talk of the emergence of a “modern Nigeria,” the second-term curse reared its ugly head in the form of a Third-Term Agenda which would mar President Obasanjo’s legacy.
Jinxed by this phenomenon, President Obasanjo then bequeathed to the nation a shaky succession through an election process even the winner, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, admitted was flawed.
Thus, in spite of his successes, President Obasanjo failed to address the fundamental issues of nationhood in his second term in office due to the usurpation of his political reform programme by a tenure elongation plan.
As a result, not only did the former president deny Nigeria the opportunity of stable and guaranteed reforms, he also denied himself the benefit of a well-deserved and uninterrupted retirement after decades of commendable service to the nation.
This might explain why the former president has become, according to some, “The Letter-Writer-General of the Federation,” constantly interrupting his retirement to write thought-provoking open letters to successive presidents.
Going by the weighty and wisdom-laden contents of these letters, it is as though the former president, observing affairs with hindsight, is compelled to redeem his legacy and to right the wrongs he ostensibly created by his actions and inactions during his second term in office.
It was British statesman, Winston Churchill, who once said, “Those who fail to learn from history are condemned to repeat it.” The purpose of this address is to ensure that the administration of PMB finishes strong and breaks the jinx of the second-term curse.
Fellow Nigerians, you may recall that as PMB took the oath of office during his first term in office, he summed up his election campaign promises in 3 pivotal agendas, namely: Security, Anti-Corruption & Eco Diversification with a focus on job creation.
I applauded this three-point agenda because the focal areas should have provided an opportunity for the president to address Nigeria’s fundamental issues given that they point to the foundational deficits in our polity, namely:
The deficit of a government structure that can guarantee the security of lives/property; the deficit of a moral compass & national value system that can eliminate corruption from our national psyche, and the deficit of an economic structure that can unleash the potential of Nigeria’s diverse zones.
However, the 1st term saw the Buhari admin grapple with the collapse in oil prices and Nigeria’s 1st recession in about 25 yrs. Despite the false starts, the admin succeeded in bringing Nigeria out of recession and made some gains in security, job creation and anti-corruption.
On security, the administration of President Buhari continued the military assault on Boko Haram that had commenced at the end of the term of his predecessor.
We recall the PMB’s 1st bold move when he ordered the relocation of the Command Control Centre from Abuja to Borno. By December 2015, the government declared Boko Haram “technically defeated” and unable to mount conventional attacks against hard or soft targets.
On anti-corruption: PMB took commendable steps in the fight against corruption at the beginning of his admin, including the attempt to plug the loopholes in the system through the Treasury Single Account (TSA) intervention.
In 2016, Nigeria received its highest scorecard so far in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.
On job creation, at the beginning of his administration, President Muhammadu Buhari embarked on large-scale skill development through the N-Power programme. Under this scheme, hundreds of thousands were empowered.
In addition, the government’s reform policies significantly moved Nigeria up from the 170th position in 2015 to the 131st position in 2019 on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index.
Through the CBN, a number of programmes were further put in place to provide take-off grants for SMEs.
As part of its efforts to combat poverty, the administration deployed such programmes as the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme, the TraderMoni initiative, the school feeding programmes, etc.
These successes, alongside visible investments in rail and road infrastructure, and such initiatives as the Anchor-Borrowers’ Programme which boosted rice production, played a role in giving President Muhammadu Buhari a second term.
Laudable as these achievements are, the current state of the nation is a clear indication that these efforts have been insufficient in dealing with our national problems; they have been unable to address the underlying problems of the Nigerian nation.
At best, these efforts bought the administration some time to stabilise the nation’s condition from a volatile state, as pain relievers can help stabilise a patient in critical condition so that the underlying condition can be treated.
The major limitation of the admin of the PMB admin has been the failure to appreciate the fact that the problems of Nigeria are more deeply rooted than these honest efforts can reach, and that what is required is a holistic and systematic approach to governance.
After winning re-election in 2019, rather than do a deep dive to address the fundamental causes of our national malady by dealing with the root causes of insecurity, corruption & joblessness, the PMB admin decided to treat more symptoms by broadening its agenda.
PMB’s Next Level Agenda widened focus from 3 points to 9. I am reminded of the logic put forward by the Wall Street Journal to explain the 2nd-term curse: “The re-elected president overestimates his mandate…ignores opposition & pursues goals that prove to be beyond reach.”
Hear me clearly: I am not saying that the thematic areas of the government’s Next Level Agenda are not important. They are important.
It is important to “build a thriving and sustainable economy; enhance social inclusion & reduce poverty; enlarge agricultural output for food security & export, attain energy sufficiency in power & petroleum products and expand transport and other infrastructural development” It is important to “expand business growth, entrepreneurship & industrialization; expand access to quality education, affordable healthcare & productivity of Nigerians; build a system to fight corruption, improve governance & create social cohesion; and improve security for all.”
However, if the govt had recognised that these objectives would’ve been the natural outcomes of getting the fundamentals of our nationhood right, it would have framed all its objectives in the context of the foundational pillars upon which the survival of our nation should rest.
Instead, we have spent time papering over cracks and dressing windows while the weak foundational structures are crumbling under the weight of neglect.
To paraphrase the words of W. B. Yeats popularised by Chinua Achebe, “things are falling apart; the centre cannot hold; mere anarchy is loosed upon our land.”
Let me now highlight instances that clearly show that the efforts of the last six years, however honest, have been inadequate in dealing with the root causes of our national challenges.
Years after the government assured Nigerians that Boko Haram had been “technically defeated,” we are once again confronted with entire villages being overrun.
We are inundated with report after report of soldiers being ambushed and killed and hostages being beheaded and kidnapped.
While I commend the bravery of our armed forces, the worsening security situation is an indication that our approach to security governance is simply superficial and inadequate to deal with the root causes of the problem.
Nearly seven years after the shocking kidnap of the Chibok Girls, one hundred and twelve of them are yet to be rescued, while Leah Sharibu, kidnapped in Dapchi in 2018, remains in captivity and is now reportedly a mother of two.
The start-up kidnap industry has secured funding and has now scaled; from Dapchi to Kankara and from Kagara to Jangebe and elsewhere, we have experienced the cycle of abduction of school children, alleged ransom payments sometimes in the hundreds of millions of naira.
Nigerians are then left wondering which school will be next. If our schools degenerate into kidnap hotbeds on this administration’s watch, not even the school feeding programme can encourage over 10 million out-of-school children to enrol in a school.
In fact, the number of out-of-school children can be expected to rise with the swelling ranks of pupils whose parents are scared to return them to their schools for fear of abduction by terrorists and bandits.
The reports of bandits establishing their dens on our highways suggest that infrastructure without solid governance substructures will eventually rupture.
Now, the FG’s railway modernisation projects across the country are highly commendable. The Abuja-Kaduna Rail Line in particular is a relief for travellers because it has provided an alternative to the Abuja-Kaduna Road which has become notorious for kidnapping and banditry.
However, the fact remains that the railways are not accessible or affordable to most Nigerians.
We are behind schedule in rail infrastructure not just because of the failure to modernise over the years, but also because the federal government has monopolised the sector and weakened the ability of the federating units to participate competitively and collaboratively.
If we fail to address this fundamental challenge of inclusive development, if we fail to enable sub-national governments to harness their resources towards empowering their respective zones, states and local government areas if we fail to expand opportunities for the teeming population of the unemployed and underemployed, even the rail lines will not be safe for travel in the near future because the rage of the poor will overwhelm our infrastructural development.
Aggrieved Nigerian youth may someday rise to question this govt for the Chinese loans being piled up for future generations, while the reports of hoodlums repeatedly attacking trains on the Abuja-Kaduna Rail would seem like child’s play if the hens of unrest fully come home to roost.
Our agriculture & food sufficiency policies have also borne the brunt of the state of the nation. While bandits & cattle rustlers have continued to terrorise farmers & cattle owners in the North, the activities of criminal herdsmen have destabilised farming in southern Nigeria.
Not even the president’s controversial shoot-on-sight order for illegal bearers of AK-47 guns has proved sufficient to abate these attacks.
Worse still, the recent eviction of herdsmen from some states in the South and the retaliatory embargo on food supply from the North to the South of Nigeria are clear indicators that failure to solve foundational problems of nationhood can destabilise shallow policies.
The massacre of dozens of rice farmers in Garin Kwashebe was one clear indicator of the limitation of window dressing in governance intervention.
The Garin Kwashebe massacre clearly reminded us that if farmlands remain unsafe for farmers, our brilliant agricultural intervention policies will suffer in the long run because they do not address the root problems.
If farmers who are beneficiaries of the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme risk kidnap on their farmlands, then we can expect low productivity and loan defaults at the end of the farming season.
After gains in the battle against corruption, not only have we plunged to the worst performance scorecard since 2013 in the Corruption Perceptions Index, we are still dealing with some of the same issues that this government promised to change when it ran against the GEJ admin.
We are still dealing with the opaqueness of the fuel subsidy regime that has turned the fuel pricing system into a curious case of the more you look, the less you see.
We are dealing with allegations and “recanting” over missing funds earmarked for arms and ammunition by the NSA, as well as the alarming remarks of the former COAS who recently declared that “there is a likelihood of terrorism persisting in Nigeria for another 20 years.”
The state of the nation has spurred outcries from stakeholders across the country. We have heard from the Emir of Daura, Alhaji Faruk Umar Faruk, who lamented that “what Nigeria is experiencing now is worse than civil war.”
We have heard from the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, CFR, who declared that the North is the “worst place to be in this country because bandits go around in the villages, households, and markets with their AK 47 and nobody is challenging them.”
We have heard from the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, who, speaking on behalf of other Yoruba traditional rulers, including the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi and the Awujale, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, cried out to the president over the state of insecurity in the South-West.
The lamentations of the royal fathers have been echoed by sociocultural groups across the country, including Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Arewa Consultative Forum, and Afenifere.
The Northern Elders Forum has gone as far as calling for the resignation of the president. Even governors and lawmakers have joined the lamentations.
From one declaration to another, and from one resolution to another, the consensus amongst these stakeholders is that Nigeria is in a state of emergency.
If urgent, decisive action is not taken, insecurity may be the second-term curse of the current administration. THIS IS THE CONSPICUOUS HANDWRITING ON THE WALL.
Nigeria has two fundamental problems: one at the level of nationhood, and the other at the level of statehood.
The first fundamental problem of the Nigerian nation is the absence of such unifying leadership that can redeem Nigerians from our diverse ethnic and religious identities and integrate us into a common national identity.
The second fundamental problem of the Nigerian state is our inability to manage a sustainable and balanced relationship between the centre and the federating units.
We have failed to realise that a strong federal government working with strong federating units can guarantee the security and prosperity of the Nigerian people.
We have failed to appreciate the fact that coordinated governance by the different states in each of the geopolitical zones will enhance the security of Nigerians and bring our people out of poverty. This is the heart and soul of restructuring.
Restructuring does not mean the dismemberment of the Nigerian state. It is not an attack on Nigerian unity. It does not mean disadvantaging any section of the country.
Restructuring means empowering the NW, the NC, the NE, the SW, the SS and the SE, so that every part of our country will be safe and prosperous. Show me one person who does not want this for our country, and I will show you an enemy of Nigeria.
Unfortunately, the insecurity and instability now raging across the nation are the results of our national failure to act on this truth over the years.
Because we have failed to guarantee effective regional governance, a regional governance vacuum has been created. The insecurity in our country is the attempt by regional non-state actors to fill that regional vacuum.
Our nation is unstable across the geopolitical zones because, in the absence of legitimate regional governance structures, we are confronted with illegitimate regional actors seeking to hijack governance and control the political economy of the regions.
The greatest demand on the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari is to facilitate the emergence of legitimate regional governance frameworks that can fill the vacuum and flush out the illegitimate structures.
In the two years left of this administration, the president needs to make an executive decision to approach the restructuring question from a three-pronged perspective targeted at his administration’s three-point agenda, namely: Security, Economy and Anti-Corruption.
On Security: PMB must intensify the clampdown on terrorism & banditry by expanding support to the armed forces in terms of technology armoury, logistics, prompt action on military intelligence, as well as inspirational leadership to sustain the morale of the newly appointed service chiefs.
The devolution of policing powers to the subnational governments must be prioritised. State governments must be empowered to form local police forces and to provide cutting edge training and equipment for these forces. #SOTNB21
States may be further empowered for zonal coordination of such state policing systems. PMB may delegate the responsibility of designing & executing this security governance transition to the National Security Council, with the NSA and Attorney Gen of the Fed driving the process.
The National Security Council may refer to the national security audit titled “Resetting Nigeria on the Path to Predictable Progress,” which I presented to the nation on October 7, 2019.
On the Economy: PMB must prioritise the devolution of the governance of key geo-economic sectors to the sub-nationals towards geo-economic diversification.
The states may then be supported to form zonal economic blocs. In this regard, the president may delegate the detailed policy and legislative agenda to the National Economic Council chaired by the vice president. The resulting president-sponsored bill may then be sent to the National & State Assemblies in line with the provisions of the Constitution. The National Economic Council may refer to the “Pragmatic Steps Towards Restructuring Nigeria” which I have presented on various occasions.
On Anti-Corruption: PMB must be guided by the understanding that the anti-corruption war will truly be won, not merely by the force of prosecution, but, more fundamentally, by a national moral compass and the deliberate and strategic integration of the Nigerian people into true nationhood.
If citizens have a definite stake in their nation, not only will they not steal from the national purse, they will also do everything legal and legitimate to rid the nation of those elements who seek to sabotage the common good through corruption.
We need to bring the Nigerian people together into one unifying national agenda.
PMB may institute, by an executive order, a vehicle in the form of a Presidential Commission for National Reconciliation, Reintegration and Restructuring or Rebirth, however so named, the details of which I have presented to him since the commencement of his first term in office.
In his acceptance speech after his nomination as the flag bearer of the APC at the party’s convention in December 2014, then presidential candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari, said
“Just as APC stands as a new party for a new Nigeria, our government will institute new policies to realise the new Nigeria…I pledge to do my utmost to make this happen but cannot do it alone. I need your support. I need your help to become President of Nigeria…”
Taking the would-be president at his words, Nigerians went out in unprecedented numbers to vote at the 2015 polls. In areas where election materials arrived late or where card readers failed to function, Nigerians were undeterred.
Nigerians were so invested in the candidacy of General Muhammadu Buhari that they remained on voting lines at great personal costs until they voted. Even after casting their votes, some waited till late in the night for their votes to be counted.
When the polling centres were overtaken by darkness, some lit their kerosene lamps, while others put on their car headlamps as they waited to make their voices heard and their votes count for a man they believed they could trust.
I appeal to Mr. President not to discountenance such tremendous goodwill. If he does, his legacy will be undermined.
The propositions highlighted here will ensure that, instead of a second-term curse, the administration of PMB will be set on a course towards the rebuilding of the foundations of the Nigerian nation.
These steps will secure for the president a lasting legacy as the president who midwifed the emergence of the New Nigeria, a secure and truly prosperous nation that every Nigerian will be proud to call home.
I pray earnestly that God will enable the president to take the necessary action that will redeem our nation and set her on the path to predictable progress. And the people say, “AMEN!”
Thank you for listening; God bless you, God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and God bless the continent of Africa.”